Fareed Zakaria
“The most important
contest in the world right now is between the ISIS model and the Tunisian model,” said Rachid
Ghannouchi, who was visiting New York this week. “It’s not between Islam and the West. It’s between
ISIS and us.” Ghannouchi is the intellectual leader of Ennahda, Tunisia’s Islamist party that,
despite winning the country’s first free elections, compromised with its political foes,
relinquished power and helped make Tunisia the Arab Spring’s only success. He explained why his
small country’s story is crucial to the struggle against militant Islam across the
world.
“The only way to truly defeat ISIS is to offer a better product to
the millions of young Muslims in the world. We do: Muslim democracy,” he said. “Young people don’t
like ISIS – see how many millions flee from it – but they won’t accept life under tyrants either.”
He elaborated that the “better product” needed to be a political system that was genuinely
democratic and respected human rights but also allowed Islam and its values some space within the
political system. “We are building the alternative model in Tunisia,” he told me
proudly.
Ghannouchi said that, in his view, the thousands of young men
traveling to join ISIS were similar to discontented firebrands who became Marxist guerrillas in the
1950s and 1960s.
“Some people search for an ideology of violent protest
against the established order. That’s not strange,” he said. “It has taken a religious garb
today.”
“How did we get these Islamic terrorists?” he asked. “Throughout
the Middle East, for decades, dictators suppressed Islam. In Tunisia, any kind of Islamic education
was forbidden. It was forbidden for women to wear the veil. People were persecuted if they
demonstrated any interest in Islam. It is these policies that produced a reaction, the generation of
Islamic terrorists that we are living with now.”
Tunisia’s success story is
not quite the fairy-tale version that is sometimes recounted. The Islamists pushed for greater
influence of Islamic law, they were reluctant to compromise and left power only because they thought
the country would explode if they didn’t. Key elements of the old guard have returned in force and
the place remains fragile, with the economy under severe pressure.
But most
transitions to democracy are marked by bitter struggles. Democracy did not come amicably to South
Korea, Taiwan or Chile. The dictators resisted fiercely. There were riots, mass arrests and street
violence. It is only in retrospect that one can look back and speak calmly of peaceful democratic
transitions.
Tunisia has some distinct advantages that have helped it
along. In a conversation with the country’s head of government, Habib Essid, a technocrat, I asked
him to explain the country’s success. First, he pointed out that Tunisia has existed as a political
entity for 3,000 years (from the times of ancient Carthage). Second, he noted that Tunisia is almost
entirely Sunni, so it does not have the sectarian and tribal differences that create fissures in
other lands like Iraq, Syria and Libya, which have been modern nation-states for less than 100
years.
Third, he explained that under its first post-independence leader,
Habib Bourguiba, Tunisia built strong political and administrative institutions. Ghannouchi
highlighted another key advantage: Bourguiba ensured that the military was restricted and
nonpolitical. Referring to the Egyptian military’s return to power and its dismissal of democracy,
he said, “In Egypt, the army has a country. In Tunisia, the country has an
army.”
In addition to all these structural and historical advantages,
Tunisia has benefited from wise political leadership. Ghannouchi explains why his party compromised.
“The old guard might have lost the election but it was still very powerful. It was the elite of the
country. So we had to make deals with them.” You cannot go for total victory, he said; the goal has
to be consensus. “In a stable democracy, if you win the election, perhaps you can do everything your
way. But in a young democracy, we need consensus and compromise.” “We lost power,” Ghannouchi said,
“but we won Tunisia.”
Ghannouchi remains optimistic about the Arab Spring.
“People will not go back to the old ways of tyranny. Like the French Revolution, the Arab Spring has
produced turmoil and violence and reaction – but eventually it will transform all these
dictatorships and monarchies in the Muslim world.”
Fareed Zakaria is published
weekly by THE DAILY STAR. A version of this article
appeared in the print edition of The Daily Star on November 02, 2015, on page 7.
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