Amtissal Aboulissan
After months of demonstrations, more than 1,300 protesters killed and many more injured and detained, the Syrian opposition is proving to the regime of Bashar al-Assad a force to be reckoned with. NOW Lebanon sat down in Beirut with Syrian writer and official spokesperson of the Syrian opposition’s Local Coordinating Committees Omar Edelbi about the ongoing conflict and what lies ahead for the Syrian people.

How would you like to identify yourself?

Omar Edelbi: I am a poet. I saw that this revolution looks like a poem, and I wanted to take part in writing it.

You are also a political activist, correct?

Omar Edelbi: Yes, I am one of the political activists, the spokesperson of the Syrian opposition’s Local Coordinating Committees, and active in supporting human rights in Syria. I have been a political activist for 10 years in Syria. I took part in the uprising that took place on March 15, what I call “The uprising of dignity.” It’s reached a point where it’s more than an uprising but less than a revolution. We hope we can reach the point of revolution.

Are you able to be politically active while in Lebanon considering the current circumstances here?

Omar Edelbi: My media activity is better here than in Syria, but my political activity is negligible, and if I do have [some] political activity, it is usually hidden because of the current political situation, mainly because the current Lebanese government supports the Syrian regime.

Why did you leave Syria?

Omar Edelbi: I left Syria because there was a lot of pressure on me, and there were major efforts to detain me. There were obvious threats against me, and my house was under surveillance, and it was raided more than once, along with the houses of my close friends and family. And honestly, I was scared for my son, and that’s why I decided to leave and thought it was best to leave the country. This way I can be more free.

How do you see the current situation in Syria right now?

Omar Edelbi: The situation in Syria is very comforting because of the seriousness of the people involved in the uprising of dignity. Of course there’s no turning back. Their decisions based on the statement of March 18 [the first major demonstration in Syria] say clearly that there is no turning back. 

Currently we have a regime that is weakened but is at the same time maintaining control. There has been escalation from both sides. What, in your opinion, do you think needs to happen in order to change this equation in favor of the opposition?

Omar Edelbi: I see that the regime has lost. They are resorting to more violence, and from a political stance, if you read into [Bashar al-Assad’s] political position, it is going backward day by day. Every month that passes, the regime loses ground that the revolutionaries are gaining.
We got promises from the regime more than what we had initially demanded on March 15. We had hoped we’d be able to get the promises with protests and without bloodshed. But because there was mass oppression, killings and bloodshed, we came to a final understanding that this regime will not let go of Syria by any means and can’t be part of the future or part of any democratic nation. This is why I say that I hope the uprising turns into an actual revolution leading to the end of the regime and everything related to it economically, socially, politically. A new constitution is a priority now.
The revolution is moving, and the regime is moving in reverse. We have to read clearly into the position that the regime has reached, regionally and among the international community. It’s clearly obvious that the regime has lost its statute as a regime ruling in Syria.

That’s true, but at the same time, the international community hasn’t really told Assad to step down. It’s as if they are giving him the green light to go ahead and finish what he started. Even though he may have lost his legitimacy, these countries don’t want him to lose. So what is the solution?

Omar Edelbi: The international community fears the regime because during its rule it invested in both the creation of tension and the management of it. The region is heading toward a dangerous situation, and that’s why everyone is afraid of the regime falling. Because to an extent, the alternative is not ready; it is not clear what the alternative would look like. I think that four months of the uprising in Syria proved that there are forces present [the opposition] that are prepared to continue the next stage. The guarantees that the international community needs, honestly, do not concern us, the youth of the uprising.
The Syrian people will give it to them at a later time, through a democratically-elected government. But the clear message that needs to be sent to the international community and the region is that their interests are tied to the Syrian people. The Syrian people will guarantee their interests, guarantee good relations with them, and guarantee the stability of the region. This message needs to be made very clear that there cannot be any stability in the region as long as this regime is ruling and oppressing its people.
So, whoever supports stability in the region needs to support the Syrian people’s demands to form a national, plural democratic government that is able to build relationships based on equality with other countries. We don’t request their help, but we request that they don’t help the regime against us.

There are governments currently helping the Syrian economy, and there is talk that there is no money left to pay the salaries of state employees or for fuel. What is the state of the Syrian economy, and how much longer will other countries continue to bolster it?

Omar Edelbi: The notion that the regime is in current need of aid to face the uprising is disturbing. It means that initially this regime was not able to build a country capable of facing natural disasters. Assume that there was an earthquake, flood, etc. This state would have needed at least food aid. This is one main reason behind our uprising against the regime: This regime has not set up the proper foundation for the future. This regime will be facing an economic crisis really soon, and this will affect the daily lives of the people. It will also reflect on the social classes, the business class in particular, that have ties with the regime, and on the payments of salaries.
Some countries will provide financial assistance, maybe at first, but they will soon come to realize that whatever financial assistance is provided, the regime will not regain its control of the street. But what puzzles me is that these countries have not been able to read through history and acknowledge that a regime will never succeed over its own people’s uprising, and so whoever is providing assistance may as well throw their help into the sea.

And Aleppo? Why haven’t there been major demonstrations there?

Omar Edelbi: We are currently classifying Aleppo as the silent majority.

Why? Why hasn’t Aleppo moved? People say that when Aleppo moves, a lot of things will change.

Omar Edelbi: One main reason is the economy. Aleppo’s main activity is related to the economic situation; Aleppo is the capital of the economy in Syria. There is a close relation between the business class there and the regime. This business class in Aleppo has been granted many privileges, and traders and industrialists in Aleppo feel that the regime is protecting their own interests.
Moreover, the relation between the employer and the employee is close to being family-like, so the employee would usually adopt the ideas of the employer, and so if the employer has decided not to take part, then neither will the employee.
Another reason is the Kurdish uprising between 2004 and 2005 and the tension that was created between the Arabs and the Kurds by the regime. Add to that the regime’s use of armed force to crack down on protesters. The violence that was seen has made the people even more hesitant to take to the streets.
It is not that Aleppo hasn’t made a move, but it was late in joining the uprising. It was not until three weeks ago that we started seeing some demonstrations there. Now you see it is alive and awake and is joining like any other city in Syria.

What about the minorities like the Christians and the Druze? Are they still scared? There are many Christians in Syria and even here in Lebanon who believe the Assad regime is protecting minorities and that if a new regime were to come, like the Muslim Brotherhood, they will not protect their interests the way this current regime has. After four months of uprising, do you think this is still the case?
 
Omar Edelbi: In principle we’re talking about minorities, so we shouldn’t be expecting many of these people on the streets. But this is not our goal either. We don’t want a demonstration by minorities, that is, we don’t want a Christian or Druze demonstration; we want a Syrian demonstration including all sects.

But there are towns like the Druze towns where people demonstrated against the regime at the beginning, but then stopped. What happened?

Omar Edelbi: The reason they stopped is that regime pressured them and scared them. Moreover, it portrayed the uprising as being a Sunni one, and made it look like if our brothers [minorities] were to take part, they would be in danger. We tried to overcome this by highlighting that big intellectuals among the opposition belong to different minority groups to stress that our movement is a national one.
In principle, the minorities should know that there is no governing system in the world that will protect minorities as well as a democratic government. I believe that no party wants to be an anomaly within a government; everyone should be treated on the basis of equal rights between all citizens, and that is why there is a need for a democratic government.

Are you afraid of chaos ensuing?

Omar Edelbi: For four months, there have been attempts to create chaos and provoke sectarian strife, but all attempts have failed.

But now you have an enemy, the Assad regime. When you don’t have an enemy anymore, people might start to look at each other.

Omar Edelbi:  We will set the ground for national dialogue. We will have different opinions, but that is healthy, it is the basis for a democratic life, and we are currently in the process of learning about democracy and how a democratic life can be, so we know there is a long way to go.

When we say the regime, are we referring to Assad’s family? Who is this regime? We cannot say that it is the state institutions, because there are no state institutions.

Omar Edelbi: This regime in general has always been referred to as the Assad regime, because the same family has been ruling for two consecutive rounds, first Hafez al-Assad and then Bashar al-Assad. But it is not accurate in the sense that the regime is more of a military-security-economic alliance led by a group of men all working in the shadow of Bashar al-Assad. It is an alliance of economic, military and security mafias involving family ties and creating cohesion between the different forces. Some are from Assad’s family and others are close to him.

Is it true that the regime is dissolving and that these ties are breaking apart?

Omar Edelbi: Even if it is not out in the open yet, and even if some only refer to it as rumors, it is impossible that these alliances are still strong. It is expected that there will be different strategies adopted by each group to deal with the current crisis and what stance to take—whether to withdraw, to stay forceful. So it is normal that there are conflicting opinions. But we are not betting on these differences.  This does not concern us. For the people of the uprising, our last concern is what they are going through or what is happening on their level. What we care about is what is happening on our end.
It is true that the more our movement is bigger and wider reaching, and the more we are clearer and firmer, the more there will be a split on the opposing front. This is why we are not interested in finding or knowing their differences but improving our movement.

What about the Alawites? Are they still with the regime because they are afraid, or are they joining the uprising? Of course there are some Alawite opposition figures like Aref Dalila or Loai Hussein, but what about the Alawites on the ground?

Omar Edelbi: This is a very complex issue. The regime made its main backbone the Alawite sect.  However, opposition among this sect was subject to the greatest deal of oppression, aside from the Muslim Brotherhood.  The regime sought to be the sole representation of this sect, and it promoted the idea that the Alawites were targeted by other groups. This is why we understand the fears of this sect, but we also hope that it does not continue. It was made clear in the past four months that there is no intention among the protesters of targeting the Alawite sect.
The Alawites played an important role in the success of the uprising; many of its youth took part in the demonstrations, and we all believe that they are an integral part of Syria’s community. It was the security forces that pitted some Alawites against demonstrators.

Where do you see Syria in the future? How much longer do you give the Assad regime?

Omar Edelbi: We saw the new Syria begin on March 15—what follows is a matter of framing these efforts. The future has already been made. Questions such as whether the regime will fall or not and what will follow are not of concern to us anymore. On March 15 we became aware that we were able to bring down one of the major infrastructures of this regime: the fear of the security forces that had been rooted in the hearts of the people for many generations. People are no longer afraid of the regime’s security agencies. This is why we believe that we have brought this regime down already; we are no longer afraid of it. What follows March 15 is only the organization of Syria’s future.

What would you like to say to your fellow Syrians? What is your message to them?

Omar Edelbi: I really want to tell them that we have passed the hardest point in our journey, the point where we rose beyond fear, rose beyond selfishness and our love for life and sacrificed in the name of the future generations. We succeeded, but we lost thousands of martyrs along the way. We need to have some more patience to reach our goals. This patience, along with our spirit of Syrian nationalism, will help us attain our goals.