By Ayesha Siddiqa
As the
world watches the deadly clashes between rioters and soldiers in the burning streets of Cairo, it
doesn’t know that there’s another danger shaping up behind the scenes. It’s one in which the army
coolly occupies the corridors of power and sets itself up as a permanent master behind a civilian
presidency. As a Pakistani citizen and a civilian military scientist,
it’s a drama I have seen played out before in my home country, where the military routinely pulls
the political strings. That’s not the case yet in Egypt, but it could be soon if the Egyptian
military follows the example of its Pakistani brothers in arms. So far,
the Egyptian military hasn’t created the necessary partnerships and networks to ensure that its
interests are always protected. Had it done so, it wouldn’t have had to resort to the messy
expedient of staging a coup against President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. The Pakistani military has been
smarter. It has created so many partnerships – with political parties, with the institutions of
civilian society – that now everyone thinks Pakistani democracy is getting stronger, when the
reality is that it isn’t. Instead, the military is running things by operating through political
proxies. The Egyptian military will doubtless be doing the same thing in a few
years. When I first heard that the Egyptian army had asked President
President Mohammad Morsi, a leading light of the Muslim Brotherhood, to step down, I had a sense of
déjà vu. My country’s leaders have often appointed military men to positions of power, thinking that
they can count on them for support, only to see the army stage a coup and grab
control. What’s particularly worrying here is that the United States has
spent billions of dollars building up military capabilities in Egypt and Pakistan. That’s because
one of the most dependable partners for the Americans in the Middle East and in Egypt is the
Egyptian military. The most dependable U.S. partner in Pakistan is the Pakistani military. Not
democratic institutions, not civilian society, but the military. That’s a highly dangerous
situation. Right now, Egypt is characterized as being divided between
those who are pro-Morsi and those who are anti-Morsi. But that’s not the real picture. I think the
real divide is between liberals and Islamists, and the military is going to exploit that divide to
its own ends. The ability of the army to play on differences in public
opinion is huge. While the secular liberals have cheered Morsi’s removal from power, the silent
majority sees the bloodshed in the streets and is appalled. Yet they do nothing. This is not because
they don’t have principles or convictions, but because they can’t afford those principles. They end
up saying, “What can we do? The army has guns.” So people are going to become increasingly
silent. The liberals who supported the army’s ouster of Morsi because
they feared an increasingly Islamic state don’t seem to understand the situation. In any army
takeover there will always be people who think military action was justified. What they don’t
realize is that this is not the last takeover they’ll see. The army will now further entrench itself
in Egyptian politics. Any time the military feels threatened, it will walk in and take charge. It
will continue to do so until it has put enough puppets in positions of power that it feels firmly in
control. Since Pakistan’s first military coup in 1958, every single
leader – be it Nawaz Sharif, be it Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto’s father – has had the
patronage of the military. This is what will happen in Egypt. If you become a leader through
military patronage, you try to look after the interests of the
military. Some kind of military watchdog organization is needed that
understands how the army works and can convey that information to people so they do not get
manipulated. It is essential to create societal frameworks that can challenge the military’s
power. Without this, the military will continue to exploit the
differences in Egyptian society, as it has done in Pakistan, by pitting secular liberals against
Islamists, so the army can always step in and take control when things get out of hand. The military
will continue to do so until these differences become deep scars on the body politic of
Egypt. Left unattended, they can become scars that will never
heal. Ayesha Siddiqa is a Pakistani scholar specializing in military science. She was the
first woman in Pakistan to serve as director of naval research with the Pakistan Navy. This
commentary originally appeared at The Mark News (www.themarknews.com).
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