The following policy recommendations are based on Naame Shaam's 2014 report Iran in Syria: From an Ally of the Regime to an Occupying Force (henceforth 'the Report').
1. Treating regime-held areas in Syria as territories occupied by Iran
→ The US and the EU should publicly acknowledge that the war in Syria is a war that, first and foremost, involves the Iranian regime and the militias under its control (Hezbollah Lebanon and Shia Iraqi militias).
→ The war in Syria should be treated as an international conflict that involves a foreign military occupation by the Iranian regime and a liberation struggle by the Syrian people against this foreign occupation.
→ The Iranian regime should be held accountable for the repeated breaches of its duties as an occupying force in regime-held areas in Syria, in line with the Fourth Geneva Convention.
2. Investigating Iranian role in Syria war crimes and crime against humanity
→ The UN and other international bodies should investigate the possible complicity of the Iranian regime, particularly Sepah Qods and its chief Gen. Qassem Solemani, in various war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Syria.
→ Investigations should include the Ghouta chemical attack in August 2013 and other chemical massacres; the use of barrel bombs against civilians; and the assassination of the Syrian regime's “Crisis Cell” in July 2012.
→ All Iranian officials and entities linked to terrorist acts committed in Syria should be added to the US and EU's terrorism black lists and should be sanctioned accordingly. They should include Sepah Pasdaran and its foreign operations arm Sepah Qods, the Iranian Basij force, Hezbollah Lebanon, Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas Brigade and other Iraqi militias fighting in Syria.
3. Ending the policy of slowly bleeding Iran and Hezbollah
→ The US and its allies should end their 'slow bleeding' policy towards the Iranian regime and Hezbollah Lebanon in Syria and adopt another, more sustainable strategy (see below).
→ This is not only necessitated by political and ethical considerations, it is also better for the long-term interests of the US and its allies in the region.
4. Fighting ISIS and the Assad regime at the same time
→ The fight against ISIS cannot be separated from the fight against regimes that have systematically manipulated and utilized terrorist groups against their own people, namely the Syrian and the Iranian regimes.
→ The US and the EU should publicly state that the Syrian and the Iranian regimes have been facilitating and using terrorist groups such as ISIS. The above-mentioned resolutions and decisions already authorize taking action against these regimes for their support of these groups.
→ The US and its allies cannot simply target ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra and turn a blind eye to al-Assad troops targeting civilians with artillery, mortars and barrels bombs a few miles away. The only side benefiting of this limited strategy is the Syrian and the Iranian regimes.
5. Bases of negotiating with Iran
→ Any talks with Iranian officials about trade or Iran's nuclear programme should be linked with the Iranian regime's intervention in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen.
→ Expanding business relations with Iran must be linked to regional stability, democratic reforms and the protection of universal human rights.
→ There should be no lifting of economic sanctions on Iran if the Iranian regime does not guarantee basic human rights in Iran and if does not end its military and financial support to the Syrian regime and the militias fighting in Syria on its behalf. This should include pulling Sepah Pasdaran, Hezbollah Lebanon and the Iraqi militias out of Syria.
→ Nuclear negotiations should not be extended endlessly. This is buying the Iranian regime more time to consolidate its dominance in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen.
→ The Iranian regime must remain under strong political and economic pressure not only until if fully gives up its military nuclear programme, but also until it ends in destabilizing policies in the region. Trading the Iranian nuclear bomb with Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen cannot be in the interest of the US and its allies.
6. Taking concrete steps to end the bloodshed in Syria and the wider region
→ The US and its allies should give the Iranian regime a clear ultimatum of four to six months to take the following steps or face serious consequences: - Pull its Sepah Pasdaran, Hezbollah Lebanon and other foot soldiers out of Syria; - End its financial and military support to the Syrian regime; - Order Hezbollah Lebanon to disband its military wing and integrate its fighters into the Lebanese army; - Allow the formation of a truly inclusive government and security forces in Iraq, and order all the Shia militias it controls (Hezbollah Iraq, Asaib Ahl al-Haq, etc.) to disband; - End its destabilization policy in Yemen by stopping all forms of support to the Huthi militias; - End its financial and military support of radical Palestinian factions in the Gaza Strip (Hamas and the Islamic Jihad).
→ During that period, the US and its allies should support Syrian rebels by all means necessary to enable them to go into the offensive against ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra, as well as the Pasdaran-controlled forces and militias fighting on behalf of the Assad regime.
The US and its allies should also put all their weight behind helping the Syrian opposition develop into a professional and effective representative of the Syrian people struggling for a free and democratic state where the rule of law prevails.
This political and military support should be provided through one unified channel supervised by the US and the EU, rather than leaving it to various regional and international players with conflicting agendas.
→ When the ultimatum ends and if the Iranian regime fails to implement the above mentioned demands, the US and its allies should put on the table a UN Security Council resolution under Chapter VII imposing safe and unhindered humanitarian access to conflict zones and people in need throughout Syria. If Russia and China veto this, then the US and its allies should act unilaterally by securing rebel-held areas, imposing no-fly zones and protecting the Syrian people from war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide and ethnic cleansing.
→ The US and its allies should act in line with the Responsibility to Protect norm (R2P): - A state has a responsibility to protect its population from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. - The international community has a responsibility to assist a state to protect its citizens. - Therefore, if the al-Assad regime and its Iranian supporters manifestly fail to protect the Syrian population from mass atrocities and all diplomatic measures have failed, the international community has a responsibility to intervene through coercive measures such as economic sanctions and military intervention. - R2P is a norm and not a law; but it is firmly grounded in international law, especially the laws relating to sovereignty, peace and security, human rights and armed conflict. The authority to employ the last resort and intervene militarily rests solely with the United Nations Security Council.
→ The US is the only global power able to lead an alliance against the destabilizing policies of the Iranian regime and against extremists like ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra. No other country can mobilize the necessary resources and exert the required political pressure. The US administration needs to develop a clear, long-term strategy and the will to lead such an alliance.
Notes:
The report's Executive Summary is available in Persian at:
For further questions:
Fouad Hamdan Executive Director of the Rule of Law Foundation, which supports the Naame Shaam campaign Mob +31 6 1604 4675; +31 6 4442 4073
@NaameShaam @FouadHamdan Skype: fouad.hamdan
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